NEWSTEX.STA (Converted)
LONE STAR STATE or THE FIVE SISTERS?
Foreword
At a time when Texas is already recognized as playing a central role in the outcome
of the next Presidential elections, it is timely to reflect on a little known element
included in the state's organic document approved by the US Congress, admitting it
to the Union, which could make Texas all but determinative in Presidential politics during
the coming campaign and probably the next century.1
A QUICK REVIEW OF A LITTLE KNOWN ASPECT OF US/TEXAS HISTORY
Six states, or one eighth of the American Union already share names: North and South
Carolina, Virginia and West Virginia, North and South Dakota. So it is breaking
no new ground name-wise to think or talk of East and West Texas -- or even East,
West, North and South Texas.
Texas, alone, among states admitted to the Union, has included in its Organic Act
as approved by the US Congress at the time of admission to the Union, authority to
divide itself into as many as five separate states at its own discretion and without
further action by the Federal Congress. Until the admission of Alaska in 1959, Texas was
the largest state in the Union -- and proud of it. Only California (and the proto-Mormon
state of Deseret which originally included all of Nevada, half of Colorado, northern Arizona, and almost half of Idaho) were even in close competition in terms of size.
So it is no wonder that until now Texas has never availed itself of the opportunity
(if, indeed, it ever viewed this provision as an opportunity) to divide itself.
On the other hand, Brigham Young's successors as Governor probably count themselves fortunate
that Utah (Deseret) was kept out of the Union for almost fifty years (until polygamy
was abandoned), because the four surrounding states in part created from pieces chipped off from the old Territory, together with remaindered Utah, now send ten senators
to Washington, all with essentially the same constituent interests, instead of the
mere two who would have represented Deseret and whose views would consequently have
been swamped by Eastern, Southern, West Coast, and Central States interests.
Which example of undesired, but serendipitously providential territorial division,
brings us back to Texas and its little-remembered unique opportunity for voluntary
fission.
1. Submitted to Texas Magazine
, which wrote back including a reprint of a previous article on the subject and
assuring me that while the topic is one of recurring interest in Texas, there has
never been sufficient support to implement the idea. The present author notes
however that apparently none of the previous proposals included the notion of a super-state
to retain authority over regional issues, or the notion of retaining Austin as
capitol of Greater Texas to preserve the feeling of still being a citizen of historic
Texas -- nor, for that matter, of the new state constitutions creating a Washington
caucus of all Senators and Representatives from the five Texases.
No longer the largest state among the Fifty, not even Texas-sized pride should today
inhibit the state from taking advantage of its unparalleled privilege of subdividing
itself in order to multiply its influence in the national legislature. So divided,
Texans would represent fully a tenth of the entire US Senate, probably now otherwise
fixed permanently in size by history. Simultaneously this would increase the number
of Texans voting in the Electoral College by eight votes, i.e. from 32 to 40 votes
-- and increase of fully 25 per cent in Presidential elections -- making Texas, after California,
the second most influential states in Presidential elections.
Nor need Texas, because of the special privilege of auto-division included in its
organic act at the time of admission, necessarily follow the traditional route of
other states upon admission, or even by West Virginia, the only example of an existing
state being divided when the western counties of the Old Dominion unilaterally seceded
from the mother state during the Civil War, becoming just another among the stars
in the union field of the national flag.
TIME FOR A NEW EXPERIMENT IN FEDERALISM?
As demonstrated by the wide public support for the abortive Perot candidacy, the time
has come for a new experiment in American state government. A number of interstate
compacts have already taken form over the years. Some years ago the Colorado River
watershed states entered into an interstate compact to divide and share the waters of
the most important river in the American Southwest. A similar compact on higher
education exists among a number of Western States for the purpose of economizing
with regard to schools of engineering, mining, law, and medicine.
Normally, such compacts must be approved by the national Congress. But, by reason
of the special provisions contained in its Act of Admission, no such requirement
or constitutional barrier would appear to exist preventing Texas, as part of its
devolution, from unilaterally establishing an interstate compact among its several parts setting
up a regional "super legislature" tailored to its own desires and not subject to
prior Federal approval.
This Super-State, or regional government, could be empowered to exercise only specific
delegated powers to legislate on any or all matters considered of regional importance,
e.g. energy, education, water policy, taxation, environmental standards, etc., etc.
A regular schedule of interstate conferences, akin to the annual meetings between
NATO Chiefs of State, and Foreign and Defense Ministers, could be built into the
constitutions of the several states, providing for regular meetings of the five governors,
attorneys general, and other senior state officials to maintain coordinated positions.
Similarly, there would appear to be no Federal constitutional reason to prohibit
inclusion in the several state charters of a requirement for regular coordination
meetings of the Senators and Representatives of the five Texas states.
Informal regional, racial, and Party caucuses already take place in the Federal Congress.
Such a "Texas caucus" could of course not compel any participating Senator or Representative
to vote against his own inclination or conscience. But that is already the situation. The purpose of a caucus is, after all, nothing more than to make sure
all points of view are thoroughly aired among those of generally consensual interests
before a final vote is taken. And this would continue to be so in the constitutionally imposed "Texas Caucus" -- one could expect no more among the ten Texas Senators
and twenty-six Representatives (though with minimum representation requirements,
division of the state might well result in one or another Texas state picking up
another Representative or two).
POSSIBLE NEW STATE BOUNDARIES
Looking at possible division lines, Texas falls quite naturally into five reasonable
territorial units: The Panhandle and North -- with Amarillo (or perhaps Lubbock)
as state capital; West Texas, perhaps bordered by the Colorado and South Concho river,
with El Paso (or Pecos ?) as capital; South Texas, bordered by the South Llano and
Colorado Rivers, with San Antonio as capital; East Texas with Houston as capital,
bordered to the north by the 31st parallel of longitude and to the west by the Colorado;
and, for want of a better name, Texas Simple, running from the 31 parallel north to the
Oklahoma border, west to Abilene and down the Pecan Bayou, with either Dallas or
Fort Worth as capital. Austin is well located to remain headquarters for the Super-State
machinery of government, ensuring a link with history and tradition.
ENHANCED IMPORTANCE OF TEXAS IN NATIONAL AND PRESIDENTIAL POLITICS
Such an initiative on the part of Texas could importantly enhance the influence of
the Southwest in national politics; would be a shot in the arm to the economy of
the region at a time of great need; would provide a new lesson in democracy for the
rest of the States and the world; would multiply the number of state and local government
workshops at a time of heightened interest in federalist solutions to many of the
problems plaguing the nation.
And, were the new approach to a constitutionally based, permanent interstate/regional
form of "supergovernment" adopted, this new initiative would be a significant step
forward in the evolution of American constitutional doctrine and practice. Not least
of the advantages for Texas would be increasing its influence in the choice of Presidents
of the United States since it would automatically pick up eight extra votes in the
electoral college, increasing the total by twenty-five per cent, i.e. from 32 to
40 votes, almost assuring that Texas would become the "Mother of Presidents" of the Twenty-first
Century.
POSSIBLE EXAMPLE TO OTHER STATES FOR REGIONAL RATIONALIZATION
In time, this might even lead to regional confederations in New England, the Mid-
and South-Atlantic regions, The Great Lakes and Central States, and the Rocky Mountain
and Pacific States, under which the regions would be able to assume a far greater
level of responsibility for their own economic and social affairs, allowing Washington
to divest itself of much responsibility for internal affairs, confirming the New
Feder- alism, and enabling the National Government to concentrate on what only it
can do (and which it has not been doing well enough in recent years) -- regulate international
trade, maintain our defense capability, and attend to the nation's diplomatic needs.
Political scientists have for years been suggesting a re-ordering of state borders
to better respond to regional needs, rectify the errors of history, and take into
account the more rapid travel possibilities of the modern age. Perhaps the Texas
example, if extended to interstate compacts providing for regional super-state governments,
might provide a realistic solution to this rationalist dream. Certainly there'll
otherwise be no redrawing of state borders in the United States short of a major
political revolution in Western Hemisphere affairs. While, unlike Texas, such interstate compacts
would require approval by the US Congress, this might prove the acceptable formula
for dividing California into the two or three states which logic (and contemporary
public opinion) seems to require.
Were Texas to lead the way, it would be difficult for Congress to put stumbling blocks
in the way of the three California's also opting for a super-state legislature and
super-state governor to coordinate regional policies, while gaining the advantages
of smaller governments closer to the people, at regional level, while multiplying its
influence in the US Senate through picking up another four senators for the two new
sub-divided states. There appear no other reasonable candidates for subdivision
into additional states (thus multiplying votes in the Senate and influence in the Electoral
College), but, as already noted, any number of overly small states might form interstate
compact-based super legislatures to maximize coordination on issues of regional importance, thus rationalizing state borders, most of which were imposed by historical
chance rather than social or geographical logic.
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