AmConsul - Hermosil;o
P.O. Box 3087
Laredo, TX 78044
February 24, 1987
Mr. Pik Botha
Foreign Minister
Government of South Africa
Pretoria, S.A.
Dear Sir:
I've been reading the papers and getting more and more concerned about
what's going on in South Africa. I've been a close friend of one of your
diplomats Barry Hornabrook for many years and have many times discussed
with him what might be done. I know your government has introduced a
number of notable reforms. But the world demands more. And while no
nation can, or should be, run to satisfy the demands of foreign
governments, the facts are that in the modern world each government is
subject to considerable external pressures -- if not direct, then economic,
or from its own people responding to images from abroad. Even the USSR and
China are modifying the operation of their economies to introduce some of
the measures of economic efficiency of the capitalist system simply to
compete more effectively with the west. And now it appears Mr. Gorbachev
is going so far as to adopt some internal social and political reforms. I
am not naive enough to accept his recent promises of "openness" without
waiting for results. But I suppose we are all hoping it's for real.
I know enough from my conversations with my friend Hornabrook to
realize that the situation in your country and mine are almost mirror
images of each other -- and that you can't simply abolish apartheid by
legislation as we did segregation: i.e. we have a small minority of
Blacks, about fourteen per cent, while you have a large majority, about
eighty per cent. Our Blacks all speak the same language, yours don't,
indeed yours speak a large number of mutually unintelligible dialects. Our
Blacks share the same basic culture, while your have many different tribal
cultures. Finally, our Blacks form a cohesive unit, while most of the
killing in S.A. is between Black tribes who care even less for each other
than for the Whites. All this I understand. But even taking all this into
account, one could hope that the positive results of our having eliminated
segregation twenty years ago should hold out considerable hope for South
Africa that there is a real possibility of decent relations between people
in a multi-racial society. I know that bad examples have been set in
Kenya and Rhodesia. And I realize that institutional forms can't alter
basic human nature. As Alexander Pope said, "For forms of government let
fools contest: that government which governs best is best". But still I
have a suggestion to make which you may wish to share with your Ministerial
associates.
Political theorists say that the only truly original contribution to
political theory by an American thinker was the argument made by Pre-Civil
War Southern Senator John Calhoun that under an adequate constitution, a
simple majority vote in a legislative body should not be sufficient to
override the deeply held contrary beliefs of a determined, substantial
minority. It was disregard of this political wisdom which led to the
American Civil War, ninety years of segregation, and Black exclusion from
the greater American society and enormous economic losses from the
non-participation of capable Blacks in the more productive sectors of the
economy. If we'd only had the good sense not to press the division of
opinion over the position of Blacks as slaves, and simply let matters ride
for another twenty years, many believe that slavery would have died from
natural causes as a result of the mechanization of agriculture as the cost
of caring for slaves became greater than their marginal contribution as
field hands.
I think the Calhoun theory can be applied to the political situation in
South Africa. Let me explain how.
Already your government has accepted the idea of a Second House for
the Coloureds in Parliament. Why not a Third House for Blacks? "Okey",
you tell me, "but our Blacks are not literate and do not share our language
or culture." True. But let me continue. Let the Blacks arrange their own
elections in any way the ANC (and competing Black parties, if any) decide
is best. Of course it is always best to have literate voters. But even in
the USA ballots carry party symbols (roosters, stars, elephants) to guide
the less literate. And with radio and television, even the totally
illiterate can understand the debates and issues. And if ballots for the
Blacks must be printed in half a hundred tribal language, this is a cheap
price to pay for social accord. Indeed, with the possibility of automatic
voting machines, you'd only need to attach party symbols to the buttons to
be pushed to record the votes.
The important point, with three (or conceivably more) chambers, is to
give each chamber veto power over the actions of each of the other
chambers. At present, in parliamentary democracies, both chambers must
pass a bill for it to become law. The Executive customarily can veto such
legislation if he considers it unwise. In the USA the legislature can
override the veto of the President by a two-thirds vote in both houses.
Under the Calhoun approach, the veto would reside in each house of the
legislature. Thus if Blacks, Coloured, and White simple majorities agree
that legislation is in the public interest, the law would enter into
effect. If even one house felt the new law would adversely affect the
interests of its racial group, it would negate its passage even if the
other two houses were in agreement. Thus the strongly held views of a
"substantial minority" (even the twenty per cent White minority) could not
be overridden even by a substantial majority. This would avoid radical
changes in the basic law by the recently enfranchised, inexperienced, Black
eighty per cent. I suggest that if such constitutional provision had been
included in the organic laws of Kenya and Rhodesia at the time of
independence, the Black majorities could not have ridden roughshod over the
interest of the White minorities, destroying their economies and resulting
in political chaos.
Perhaps the time has come to discuss such a possibility with Mr.
Mandela and the leadership of the ANC.. The modern world seems to be faced
with only two alternatives in this era of demand for rapid and radical
change: try to hold the lid down -- leading almost inevitably to a social
explosion, as in Nicaragua; or have the courage to reform despite all the
dangers inherent in change. The Brits had the advantage when they passed
the Reform Act in the mid-Eighteenth Century because expectations and
demands were far more moderate in that remote age. Admittedly, if reform
come too quickly, the social fabric can tear, with revolutionary results,
as in Iran. But social change can succeed -- and the successful results in
the Philippines, Salvador, Guatemala (admittedly all three still in
embryo); the eminently successful racial reforms in the United States; and
the attempts currently being made in China and the USSR, suggest that we
are better off planning carefully, gritting our teeth, and plowing ahead,
determined to work for success -- rather than adopting a "damned if I do,
and damned if I don't, so I won't budge" attitude.
As I started by saying, the marriage, residence, and educational
reforms adopted in your country are important, but not enough to eliminate
growing internal pressures, and certainly not enough to gain the approval
of the world. Even basically well-disposed President Reagan has had to
yield to pressure and permit our Secretary of State to talk to Oliver Tambo
(I taught Tambo's son in my class in Comparative Economic Systems at the
American College in Paris. He was a bright boy and we had occasion to talk
several times after class. I tried to impress on him the essentiality of
avoiding the specious promises of Marxism and working to preserve the
efficiency of a "Mixed economy"). Maybe, just maybe, taking the bit in
your teeth and extending the franchise to the unlettered tribal Blacks,
limited to the election of their own Third House, and reserving veto power
to the other houses to prevent legislative excesses on the part of the
Black House, just might satisfy your Black radicals and your friends
abroad. Mightn't it be worth considering? Even the "announcement effect"
would win friends, It would make me feel good that a Pre-Civil War
American Statesman who strove unsuccessfully to avoid war in my nation was
at last heeded, and that his contribution to political thought helped avoid
a bloody civil war in another multi-racial nation torn by similar strife a
hundred and twenty years later.
A final idea. In Great Britain, until quite recently, some
individuals were accorded multiple votes, i.e. university graduates could
vote for a university representative in Parliament as well as for their
district M.P. And businessmen could vote for the M.P. representing the
district in which they owned business property and paid business taxes. So
the well-established might actually dispose of three votes. Were such
provisions adopted in South Africa, this would further strengthen the
influence of the White minority during the period of transition. And were
the possibility of multiple votes held out to the Coloureds and Blacks it
might provide a powerful element of social stability since the Blacks who
would be eligible for dual votes would be the more successful (and
conservative) businessmen, or the better educated professionals.
I hope that putting these ideas on paper might get the "Calhoun
theorem" into the hands of those who can make use of it. I've heard a
million suggestions about what South Africa should do about its problems,
but none seemed to me as being as potentially as helpful as this one.
Sincerely,
David Timmins, U.S. Foreign Service Officer (ret.)
Professor of Finance & Economics
Instituto Tecnologico de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey
Hermosillo, Mexico